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IN A WORLD OF RISING MILITARY SHIELDS, AFRICA CANNOT REMAIN NAKED.

The Radarr by The Radarr
March 11, 2026
in Opinion
Reading Time: 3 mins read
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IN A WORLD OF RISING MILITARY SHIELDS, AFRICA CANNOT REMAIN NAKED.
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By Adai Edwin Adai

While many African states still approach security with outdated habits, weak doctrine, and reactive politics, countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Vietnam are investing seriously in anti-access/area-denial thinking to raise the cost of coercion by stronger powers.

Recent analysis by the International Institute for Strategic Studies notes that these Southeast Asian states are each developing A2/AD concepts in different ways, while the Philippines has already fielded coastal anti-ship missile capacity and Vietnam continues to prioritise maritime denial and surveillance capabilities.

The lesson for Africa is simple, sovereignty in the 21st century cannot be defended by speeches alone. It must be defended by strategy, technology, doctrine, industrial capacity, and political seriousness. A2/AD, at its core, is not about reckless militarism. It is about deterrence by denial. It is about making any hostile intrusion into your waters, airspace, cyber domain, or critical infrastructure too costly to contemplate.

However, from the perspective of the African Institute for Statecraft Int’l, Africa does not need to copy Asia blindly, but it must learn urgently from nations that understand the realities of a world shaped by superpower rivalry, maritime contestation, technological disruption, and strategic pressure. The continent must stop behaving like a passive geography and start acting like a strategic civilization.

The first task is doctrinal clarity. African countries must define what exactly they are defending, wealth such as, territorial integrity, maritime resources, airspace, digital sovereignty, energy infrastructure, undersea cables, rare minerals, and food corridors. Without a clear doctrine, procurement becomes wasteful, defence budgets become corrupt, and national security becomes a slogan rather than a system.

The second task is maritime awareness. Much of Africa’s wealth is exposed through the sea, wealth such as, oil routes, ports, fisheries, shipping lanes, offshore energy assets, and seabed infrastructure. African coastal states should invest in layered maritime domain awareness through radar coverage, satellite partnerships, drone surveillance, and coordinated coast guard and naval monitoring.

The goal is not to match superpowers ship for ship, but to know what is happening in African waters at all times and to deny easy access to hostile actors. The same sea-denial logic is now shaping security debates across maritime Southeast Asia.

The third task is to build affordable deterrent capability. Africa does not need prestige weapons bought for parades. It needs practical systems that protect coasts, borders, airspace, and critical national infrastructure. Mobile coastal defence, integrated air defence, electronic warfare, cyber resilience, drones, counter-drone systems, and resilient command-and-control networks are more relevant to modern deterrence than ceremonial displays of force.

Southeast Asian states have moved in this direction precisely because they understand that smart denial can compensate for limited size.

The fourth task is industrial sovereignty. No continent can be secure while depending almost entirely on foreign suppliers for communications, munitions, sensors, maintenance, and software. Africa must develop defence-industrial clusters around ship repair, drone production, secure communications, surveillance systems, and dual-use manufacturing. Strategic dependence is national vulnerability.

The fifth task is regional coordination. No African state, acting alone, can fully secure the Gulf of Guinea, the Red Sea approaches, the Mozambique Channel, the Sahel belt, or key cross-border infrastructure corridors. The African Union and regional blocs should begin developing coordinated deterrence frameworks around intelligence sharing, common surveillance architecture, joint exercises, and pooled logistics. Security fragmentation is one of Africa’s greatest weaknesses.

The sixth task is political leadership. Strategy fails where leaders are unserious. The continent must abandon the culture in which security institutions are underfunded, politicised, or used mainly for domestic intimidation. National defence must be anchored in professionalism, long-term planning, and strategic education. Africa needs leaders who understand that deterrence is not improvised in crisis; it is built patiently in peacetime.

The seventh task is strategic non-alignment with preparedness. Africa should not become a battlefield for external powers, nor should it become a dependency zone for any bloc. But neutrality without capability is merely weakness. True strategic autonomy means being open to partnerships while retaining the ability to protect one’s own interests.

What Africa needs now is not panic, but awakening. The superpowers are not slowing down. The contest over trade routes, digital systems, minerals, energy corridors, and political influence is already underway. In such a world, sleeping states become vulnerable states.

Africa must rise from complacency and invest in sovereign capability. It must think in layers, act in systems, and plan beyond election cycles. The future will not respect the continent simply because of its size or resources. It will respect Africa only when Africa can protect what it owns, monitor what it controls, and deny what threatens its peace.

That is the strategic meaning of our time. And that is the warning Africa must no longer ignore.

“In a world where nations are building shields to protect their sovereignty, Africa cannot afford the luxury of sleep. A continent that refuses to prepare for strategic deterrence risks becoming the battlefield where stronger powers settle their rivalries.”

Adai Edwin Adai
Policy Scientist, Political Economist,Pan-Africanist.

Tags: Africa
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